Are there any frontiers today

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Do those nations like Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, etc have strong militaries? What is the geography and climate like there? Yes the climate sucks but it IS uninhabited. And we could call any settlement there a "research station".

There is an ice free area, the McMurdo dry valleys which look more like Earth than you might think of Antarctica though extremely barren. South America. Although a lot of people, are places like Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil stable countries?

Random ignored islands. Like St. Helena and Tristan da Cunha in the South Atlantic. Crappy climates for some of those and very isolated, but would the French even notice a settlement there? Ugh I'm in a very distressed mood the past several months, don't feel like I can get a stable career. And what seems to make things worse is that the US's problems are the world's problems too. Are there places in the world where things are going well, in spite of the big problems right now?

Originally Posted by jason87x. Originally Posted by kyle I read recently that Moldova is somewhat open to immigration, though perhaps others can expound on that some more.

Originally Posted by kevxu. You need to do some more research. Twenty-five percent of the Moldovan population has emigrated because the economic conditions are so abysmal. The country is politically unstable, and has problems with secessionism.

I have a friend who was a law school graduate in Moldova, he left and is now a handiman in Portugal and is living better than he ever did in his own country. It is a grim situation.

Keep looking. The United States has entered an increasingly communications- and information-rich environment in which all of society is dependent on the proper functioning of its critical infrastructures - especially the national information and communications systems [ 46 ]. The economic, technological, and political dimensions of power, are now clearly recognized as key components of national security along with military strength, and they are also heavily dependent on information and advanced information systems.

As a result, there is concern that one of our most vulnerable territories may be our own cyberfrontier. In the developed world, no individual, organization, or government can choose to remain apart from the interconnected network of systems and relationships if they wish to function as part of society, whether domestic or global.

An over-riding feature of this new environment, therefore, is "reciprocal dependency. While this feature of reciprocal dependency may not be new, as frontier settlers well recognized, the speed and intensity of its current manifestation set it apart, as do the immediacy of the linkages to distant and unknown parties.

Increasing concern with terrorism both transnational and home-grown , the emergence of information warfare, and the availability of weapons of mass destruction, on the one hand, and the vulnerability of our citizens and our critical national infrastructures at home, on the other, have raised important questions about the continued validity of the national security construct that we held throughout the Cold War.

Governments historically held a monopoly over the legitimate use of violence, the classical expression of sovereign power, and they often also possessed a real monopoly on the ability to wield violence on a large scale.

Coupled with the clear constitutional mandate for the common defense, the U. But major acts of domestic terrorism, including the World Trade Center and Oklahoma City bombings as well as attacks on American facilities abroad in Saudi Arabia and Africa, triggered new examination of our national vulnerabilities and potential threats.

A series of studies on these issues, culminating in two Presidential Decision Directives, PDD and PDD, began to refocus attention on protecting our security against threats directed right at our homeland, and especially against our vulnerable critical infrastructures.

More recent foreign commentary, especially in the aftermath of NATO's intervention in Kosovo, tends to reinforce the fear that the main threats against our security will come not on foreign battlefields, but at home since many potential opponents see direct confrontation with our military forces as futile [ 47 ]. And these threats, from within and without, will demand an entire range of "homeland defense" capabilities. Thus, a not unreasonable case can be made that our most important security perimeter is once again on this continent and that, in the face of growing threats from technologically sophisticated opponents, "homeland defense" of our people and territory should become a principal mission of American military forces.

It was only a little over one hundred years ago that the American Army's principal focus was defense of our frontier territory. Circumstances now suggest that focus once again ought to be reemphasized as a core responsibility of our entire national defense establishment. Beyond the narrow concept of military defense, for much of our history, foreign affairs and national security involved not physical entanglement and overseas presence but engagement with ideas and principles, such as the Monroe Doctrine and Open Covenants.

This tendency to want to reshape a world by words, ideas and values rather than deeds culminated with Woodrow Wilson's crusade for a new, more pacific and democratic world order, based on a strong institutional framework through the League of Nations. This tendency, furthermore, would be consistent with the forces - such as democratization, economic liberalization and globalization, and the Information Revolution itself - that are reshaping the international system and the strategic environment and, thereby, both redefining the role of military force and highlighting the importance of what we now term "Soft Power" [ 48 ].

However, many of the most powerful instruments for promulgating words, ideas and values are not in government hands - nor, in a free society, should they be under government control. Thus, these trends substantially complicate our national security challenge. For all the reasons noted above, a key element in developing a national security strategy suitable to our Information Age circumstances must be to realign responsibility, authority, and capability consistent with the current transformation.

Responsibility is defined here to mean the inherent obligation to address the problem. Authority is defined as the legitimated power to address the specified problem; it is granted through explicit delegation by the people or, in some systems, seizure by coup de main , and it may possessed by several holders concurrently. Finally, Capability is the physical potential or expert competence to address the problem.

These factors create a radically new and different environment from our industrial-age inheritance.

In particular, the information age threatens to disrupt prevailing patterns of responsibility, authority, and capability among government and private entities - including how we plan and execute critical national security tasks. Any assessment of the role of government and the extent of its legitimate functions, including how it exercises its powers, cannot ignore these types of changes. The frontier analogy is useful exactly because it suggests a different balancing than those of the industrial or post-industrial periods.

Agreement on these issues must, however, be achieved within the bounds of our social compact if an acceptable solution is to be found [ 49 ]. How this is accomplished - that is, the choice of where to vest these powers and which instruments to use - must be consistent with our nation's political beliefs, economic system, and social fabric.

While many societies might choose, on the basis of their perceptions of efficiency and effectiveness, to place all these powers in the hands of the national government, the tradition in the United States has been to diffuse authority among levels of government federal, state, and local and, indeed, to retain many powers in the hands of the people themselves. Whatever the frictional losses, Americans have traditionally preferred foregoing the arguable advantages of centralized decision-making, believing that there is less risk in minimizing the powers granted to government [ 50 ].

Consistent with our federal form of government, even where the people are prepared to grant government the authority, the public often prefers to disperse that authority among many government hands, thereby creating an intricate web of federal, state, and local relations that must be accommodated in any new initiative. Moreover, even if there were agreement on authorities, protecting the nation's entire range of national security interests under these new circumstances is not a problem that will be solved by swift arrival of the Seventh Cavalry, or any set of government forces acting alone [ 51 ].

Therefore, solutions to these critical choices appear not in granting government more authorities and providing additional capabilities, but rather in learning how to induce, not order, appropriate actions by all the relevant players, most significantly individuals and private organizations. As it did on the western frontier, civil society must be prompted to accept responsibility and employ its capabilities perhaps now through liability and contract enforcement , not rely on government to protect all vital national security interests [ 52 ].

To a very large degree in the United States, the capabilities, along with the necessary authorities, to protect many of these crucial resources, even those performing vital societal and national security functions except for those clearly owned and operated by governments , already lie in the hands of private owners and operators.

What is needed is for these powers to be exercised - in self- and national interest. It should be noted that these perspectives on distributed power and more voluntary coordination are not fully shared around the globe; therefore, it is to be expected that these different perspectives will give rise to significant tensions as international agreements to reduce information vulnerability and enhance information security are sought.

And so, now five centuries after Columbus and almost four centuries from landings at Jamestown and Plymouth, we have again embarked on a new frontier adventure. Appreciating our heritage is a key to understanding some of the complex challenges that currently becloud our vision of the future.

As the new cyberfrontier beckons, America's prospects appear bright. The CyberFrontier is no more a "South Seas Madness" or a Tulip bubble than was the West - occasional freefalls of the stock market notwithstanding. But it is important to discern the big long-term picture rather than the short-term perturbations.

It is the implications of a renewed sense of "boundless opportunity" that should guide our way. Thus, appreciating the American frontier experience should allay fears that the cyberfrontier is just another giant Ponzi scheme. America is in the vanguard in exploiting this new territory; and our historical affinity for the betting on good luck, undertaking risk, and exploiting opportunities should stand us in good stead as we continue the transition from an industrial to an information age.

As a result of self-selection, our new cyberfrontier has concentrated certain historically American traits as it evolves its distinctive culture. Thereby, it has magnified the inherent differences in attitude between itself and the rest of the country. At the same time, the diffusion of those traits throughout American society has been more rapid and accepting than elsewhere in the world.

We should expect that there will be significant disagreements and even open confrontation with other nations in making the transition to Information Age societies. These types of transformational changes take time. It was not until the Great Depression of the s, well into the Twentieth Century and more than a full hundred years after the Industrial Revolution began, that the alignment of responsibility, authority, and capability among public and private actors was adjusted to conform to the altered political, economic, and social realities of domestic conditions in the Industrial Age.

Working out our arrangements for the Information Age will likely take a substantial period of time for both internalization of appropriate new behaviors and codification of rules and procedures; adaptation to revolution is, by necessity, a long-term process. How we choose to realign and balance these three critical powers will tell us much about our views of the social contract.

Making these choices will require a framework for decision as we have before us two significantly different paradigms. Which one we choose to emulate - whether the frontier or the post-industrial paradigm - will have dramatic implications for the culture that evolves.

Culture means accepted and ingrained behavioral norms and patterns of behavior, including appropriately supportive and reinforcing legal and formal structures. Thus, culture implies an underlying consensus among society's members on values; currently, there is little evidence that such a common sensibility concerning the evolving information environment exists.

Unlike the earlier frontier, we are still feeling our way towards an appropriate cyberculture that puts emphasis back on individual self-reliance and community self-help, rather than government reaction. Perhaps this is because we are still in a "pre-community" phase focused primarily on our own individual concerns. We are not yet ready to put our lives in collective hands because we do not fully appreciate our circumstance of "shared risk" from reciprocal dependency [ 53 ]. In most cases, there is only a fragmentary understanding of these factors and even less appreciation of the implications that will flow from them.

But the notion of a cyberfrontier can be a bright lodestar to help guide our way as we explore and settle this new territory. But what was the American frontier? While the terms "West" and the "frontier" are often used interchangeably by many commentators, Turner's "West" needs to be understood as more than just the lands beyond the Mississippi River.

The "West" was an entire process of development as well; and under its powerful influence, the frontier was where America forged its distinctive character and evolved "peculiar" ways of responding to challenges and opportunities. From the earliest colonial times until the end of the nineteenth century, "west" was the direction of the American frontier; and from those colonial times, the west represented an opportunity space for those brave enough to try for it.

Turner saw the "frontier" not as a continuously moving line, but as a series - successive waves - of discrete expansions: first up the eastern river courses and then finally through the great western deserts. We may now tend to forget that even the pastoral areas of gentle New England countryside were not always thus. On the cold winter night of February 29, , of the settlers in Deerfield, Massachusetts now the site of a well-known boarding school , 48 were slaughtered and of the survivors were captured in a large Indian raid by allied Mohawk, Huron, and Abenaki tribesmen, fomented by the French.

The captives were forced to march north in the snow, leaving with only the clothes on their backs" [ 56 ]. While most of the captives were eventually ransomed, the raid stood as a clear reminder to all the colonies and to Britain as well of how dangerous was frontier life. Not only was there a series of expansions pushing the geographic frontier continuously westward, but each new expansion started the cycle of social development anew.

With each stage of westward expansion, there was a " Turner saw a progression of these stages of frontier exploitation: first by hunters and fur traders, then cattlemen and ranchers, miners, and then farmers, and finally manufacturing and industry - "a recurrence of the process of evolution" [ 58 ].

As a result, there was also a progression in stages of settlement and density, each with their attendant development of appropriate behaviors, rules and institutions. As Turner noted, " And the settlement of these and similar questions for one frontier served as a guide for the next" [ 59 ]. The frontier was a harsh place and, if it was to be exploited, demanded initiative, self-reliance, and the ability to work hard and endure isolation.

It was not a place of fully fleshed laws and rules. The overall American legal framework was reinterpreted and adapted to fit the exigent circumstances, and rough justice was often the result.

Fairness in result rather than process was the object; and certainly equality in outcome was not expected. Luck and circumstance, as well as hard work, were seen as keys in that equation. But most of all, it was seen as a land of boundless opportunity, a place to seek solitude or fortune. The frontier developed its own rules and patterns of behavior, its own culture and community, that shape many American attitudes to this day. The frontier provided a " Timothy Dwight, historian and President of Yale, in had characterized the pioneers as social misfits - "too idle, too talkative, too passionate, too prodigal, and too shiftless to acquire either property or character" [ 62 ].

The chance to walk away from failure and have opportunity for a fresh start often acted as a spur for tackling the hardships of the frontier. The frontier was the land of the "second chance" and often third and fourth ; it was populated by people often without history, intent on abandoning their pasts.

Many of those who went forth on the frontier often wished to leave government, family, status, neighbors, church, and other entangling relationships behind. It was the place and chance to recreate identity. The frontier offered the rare opportunity to be defined by deeds, not by one's ancestors or even one's own past. It was far more egalitarian - almost all shared the hardships of frontier life - and less socially stratified than the more settled east; either sudden fortune or disaster could change one's place.

That coarseness and strength combined with acuteness and inquisitiveness; that practical, inventive turn of mind, quick to find expedients; that masterful grasp of material things, lacking in the artistic but powerful to effect great ends; that restless, nervous energy; that dominant individualism, working for good and for evil, and withal that buoyancy and exuberance which comes with freedom - these are traits of the frontier, or traits called elsewhere because of the existence of the frontier" [ 63 ].

For much of our frontier experience, and for most frontierspeople, despite the hardship and danger, it was a history of profitable extraction and exploitation - taking from the vast treasure trove of wild animals, minerals, open lands, and rich soils what individual labor could manage without the need for large amounts of capital investment - thereby producing a people " The American frontier also offered space, on the one hand, to accommodate the huge influx of new immigrants; and, on the other hand, these immigrants helped to populate and make productive the vast open spaces waiting for settlement.

At the same time, the frontier was a major influence in helping to socialize and acculturate these new arrivals. Turner believed that the frontier had been a powerful force in fostering nationalism and working against sectionalism while concurrently instilling a skepticism about relying on outside institutions or distant government.

In addition, the special conditions of frontier life contributed to forging a new and distinctive American culture there as well as shape an idiosyncratic political perspective far different from the east or Europe.

The frontiersman " These distinctive traits acquired on the frontier would have long-lasting effects on American political beliefs. Complex society is precipitated by wilderness into a kind of primitive organization based on the family. The tendency is anti-social. It produces antipathy to control, and particularly to any direct control The frontier individualism has from the beginning promoted democracy" [ 67 ].

The frontier was very much a place of "do first" and write the rules afterward; expedient solutions to problems were preferred to careful procrastination. At the same time, Turner himself marked the dark side of the frontier character traits:. However, we must not ignore the important role of government in frontier history.

The ease of exploitation and the appearance of individual initiative often masked the rich infrastructure that underlay frontier settlement, even in its most primitive days. The American government had explored and surveyed the lands before most claimants arrived; and pioneers brought with them the American framework of civil and criminal law.

The government contributed a legal regime for land, mineral, and water claims, as well as enforcement mechanisms; and the Army provided at least minimal protection from Indians. But on the whole, the federal government was not anxious to remain the principal authority for governance of frontier settlements.

As early as , for example, under the Continental Congress, the Northwest Ordinance created the means for local self-government and representation, and for obtaining statehood, rather than permanent reliance on direct rule from the national capital. The Ordinance established townships and set aside land for local government and education, as well as private settlement.

As another example, in a clear attempt to spur western settlement in the early s, the federal government had taken an important series of steps to create the necessary social as well as physical infrastructure.

The Homestead Act specified a process for obtaining nearly free private land patents for individual citizens by settlement and improvement rather than payment, that while not an unqualified success, allowed over , families to receive clear title to their farms by That same year, the Morrill Act created the system of land-grant colleges throughout the states and territories and fostered programs in scientific, agricultural, industrial, and military studies.

And in , the transcontinental railroad link, which the federal government had encouraged, was completed, providing the crucial communications link that tied the west to the markets and peoples of the east. Throughout this period, the Army helped to defend the sparsely settled territories and federal judges literally "rode the circuit" to provide justice.

The government clearly played a crucial role as enabler of the western settlement; but it did not, by itself, play the dominant role in the settlement and subsequent development of the frontier.

Unlike many other colonial offspring, the American frontier was settled by private initiative; and the value system evolved by those pioneers still informs the American character. The pioneers did not wait for permission, nor for completed social institutions and government structures. What the frontiersmen wanted most from government was not to get in the way; these attitudes were the consequence of that relentless westward movement and they still remain a powerful force in American life.

Jeffrey R. E-mail: jeffrey. This paper was created with the editorial assistance of Dr. For an interpretive look at the technologies and impacts of the Information Revolution, see Jeffrey R.

Cambridge, Mass. It is also worth recalling Arthur Clarke's Third Law: "Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic. Arthur C. New York: Crown, However, even Alan Greenspan, Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, has now taken the position that the "New Economy" is real and the source of altered productivity and growth relationships. See A. Greenspan, "Is There a New Economy? Turner is now thought to be too triumphalist and lacking respect for Native American cultures and achievements; others criticize his emphasis on emotion and ethos.

See below. Harold P. Simonson, ed.